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June 20, 2005
The CDC Gets Testy
“Prevention for Positives” two years later: Slow rollout of rapid testing and a shortfall in treatment puts feds on defensive
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 22, 2005
At the annual National HIV Prevention Conference sponsored by the
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) last week in Atlanta,
it appeared to be business as usual, as prevention pros dissected the
sexual habits of teens under abstinence oaths and gay men on the
Internet. Down the hall, however, the federal agency itself was instead
touting the success of an ambitious rollout of routine HIV testing, the
central element of its 2-year-old prevention revolution nick-named
“Prevention for Positives”—and AIDS service providers and community
advocates were begging to differ. They called the program insufficient
at best—it has fallen far short of its target of testing the 25% of
America’s more than 1 million HIVers who don’t know their status—and
predicted disaster if, as proposed budgets indicate, treatment and
counseling don’t get a comparable boost. Routine
testing without follow-up treatment is a recipe for disaster, advocates
argue. “Once you’ve identified people who are positive, there is a
certain obligation to provide services,” says Steven Sherman, North
Carolina’s coordinator for its AIDS Drug Assistance Program (ADAP), the
federal program mandated to provide HIV drugs to low-income HIVers.
ADAPs in North Carolina and nine other states are currently so broke
that newcomers languish on waiting lists or turn to drug-company
freebies to save their health. “People are the
most vulnerable right after they test positive,” says Jeff Graham, head
of Atlanta’s own AIDS Survival Project. Testing programs that don’t
offer referrals for treatment and care “can drive them away from the
health-care system.” This costs taxpayers more in terms of
hospitalization, he notes, than catching them while they’re healthy.
Some would argue, too, that it increases the likelihood of further
infections. The assumption behind the Prevention
for Positives HIV-testing blitzkrieg (the real name of the program is
“Advancing HIV Prevention: New Strategies for a Changing Epidemic”) is
that people who know they are positive are more likely to practice safe
sex and protect their partners. While most studies support this
premise, research also suggests that members of certain groups—such as gay men in
anonymous encounters and men on the down low who hide their risk-taking
from wives and girlfriends—may buck the trend. When
the CDC first announced the new prevention initiative prior to its
annual confab two years ago, community concerns about adequate funding
for increased treatment needs were trumped by a different crisis: the
right-wing scrutiny of gay prevention that advocates viewed as
harassment, as well as a mounting Bush push for abstinence-only
education. The CDC got a pass. Now, two years later, the verdict is in:
The feds will not provide a penny more for the Ryan White Care Act, the
HIV services and treatment budget line, while cutting Medicaid to the
tune of $10 billion. (The annual price tag for a three-drug cocktail
is, at minimum, $16,000, far beyond most HIVers’ means.)
So should the CDC be concerned that treatment shortages may turn people
off of testing? Despite prodding, reporters failed to get a direct
response on that last week from Dr. Ron Valdiserri, deputy director of
the CDC’s National Center for HIV, STD & TB Prevention. He
acknowledged at the conference that it was “an important issue…to
grapple with.” On the other hand, he said, “We are not aware of [any
research] showing a consistent disincentive to be tested.”
Few argue with the benefits of increased testing—and the 20-minute,
saliva-based testing in the administration’s plan is quick and
effective. “The availability of rapid testing is incredibly important,”
Graham says. Rapid tests tend to lead to more diagnoses than blood
tests—in one New Jersey study, 99% of people got their results,
compared to the 65% who return after the standard five-to-seven-day
wait. Still, the rollout of Prevention for
Positives, in the form of rapid testing in clinics, hospitals, doctor’s
offices and other once-virgin territory, has had the predictable effect
of shortening the “counseling” conversations essential to both the
mental and physical health of the newly diagnosed and their capacity to
practice safe sex. “[Counseling] can take time and the nature of the
test is rapid,” says John Peebles, who works with North Carolina’s
department of health. But with the CDC merely advising counseling
rather than requiring it, these testing chats may increasingly be
viewed as disposable, a luxury that cash-strapped medical professionals
forego. The burning question raised, but never
answered, by this year’s CDC conference is, with both counseling and
treatment for people who test positive in dire jeopardy, is our federal
Prevention for Positives initiative doomed to fail? The CDC’s
Valdiserri, no doubt, would say no. Only time—and the data—will tell.
But one thing is certain: Next year’s CDC conference is unlikely to be
business as usual.